Nova Scotia Advisory Council on the Status of
Women
Family Matters
Backgrounder
November 19, 2001
The Nova Scotian population and its family structures are undergoing
massive and fundamental changes. To ensure the viability of its future
workforce, the economic strength of the province and to maintain and promote the
health and well-being of its citizens, governments at all levels should address
the serious policy implications of these changes. Awareness of the status of
women over the life course is central to understanding and addressing these
issues.
Young Nova Scotian women and men are increasingly delaying marriage
or choosing not to marry at all. Women are also delaying childbirth and are
having fewer children.
- Since 1976, the total first marriage rate (the proportion of persons
marrying before their 50th birthday) has declined by 21% for women
and by 25% for men.
- Since 1971, the average age at which Nova Scotians are marrying has
increased by 5 years for women and by 4.6 years for men. In 1996, the average
age at first marriage was 27.2 years for women and 29.1 years for men.
- In 1997, 39% of births in Nova Scotia were to women aged 30 and over. In
1986 only 26% of births were to women aged 30 and over.
- Nova Scotians are having fewer children than in the past. In order to
maintain population replacement levels, the total fertility rate must reach
2.1 children per woman. In 1997, Nova Scotia's total fertility rate was 1.45,
down from 2.5 in the early 1970's and 4.16 at the height of the baby boom.
These demographic changes combined with Nova Scotia's continuing low rates of
immigration have important implications for the future of the province and for
young women. If the current trends in relation to fertility and immigration
continue, Nova Scotia's population will begin to decrease and the labour force
and tax base required to support the province's economy, infrastructures and
social safety net will be greatly diminished. There is mounting evidence that
delayed childbirth may play a significant role in the increasing levels of
infertility present in our society.
These issues raise a number of questions. What are the primary reasons why
Nova Scotians are delaying marriage and childbirth? Are Nova Scotian women
delaying marriage and childbirth because they want to take advantage of
educational and career opportunities? Are young Nova Scotians feeling so
burdened by debt and constrained by financial instability that marrying and
starting a family seems unfeasible? Do Nova Scotian women feel they have a
choice about when they can start their families or the number of children they
will have or are these decisions so constrained by economic circumstances or
economic security considerations that little real choice remains?
The demographic changes described above have implications for policy makers
in the public and private sectors. Some examples are:
- fiscal policy - to cope with the declining tax base
- labour market/human resources planning - to cope with the declining work
force and to support families in balancing work and family life.
- immigration policies - to promote immigration to Nova Scotia
- economic security - to promote economic security for young women and men
- health - to cope with increasing pressure/demand for fertility treatments
and services and for subsidy of these treatments/services
Common-law families and lone-parenting are on the
rise.
- Although married couples with children still comprise the majority of
families in Nova Scotia, over the last 15 years, the percentage of common law
families with children has increased by 169% and the percentage of female
lone-parent families has increased by 58%.
- In the same time period, the percentage of married couples with children
declined by 5% while the percentage of married couples without children
increased by 26%.
- 20% of families with children in Nova Scotia are headed by female
lone-parents, more than in any other province.
- Female lone-parent families are at very high risk of poverty. 57.5% of
Nova Scotia's poor children live in lone-parent families.
Though
many couples are living common-law rather than marrying, common-law
relationships continue to be less stable than marriages. Approximately half of
common-law unions dissolve within five years. Even when people in a common-law
union decide to marry, they are still more likely to separate than people who
married without living common-law. Most families move into a low-income
situation primarily as a result of family breakdown (NLSCY, 2000). Given that
85% of lone parents are women and that the majority of these are either
separated or divorced, the economic implications for women are significant.
Families headed by female lone-parents comprise the third largest family
group in Nova Scotia after married couples with and without children. The
implications of this for women and their children are many as lone-parent
families are at much higher risk (close to ten times greater, according to the
latest Nova Scotia Child Poverty Report Card) of living in poverty than
two-parent families. Factors that are likely related to female lone-parent
families' high rates of poverty include their low levels of education, low
levels of labour force participation, and lack of available and affordable
childcare.
Programs having the goal of addressing "child poverty" in Nova Scotia cannot
ignore the situation of female lone parents. Effecting positive change for this
group will have a large and diffuse impact as so many other areas are related to
poverty, eg., physical and mental health, housing, etc. Most female lone-parents
in Nova Scotia are not teenagers and need significant educational upgrading and
skills training to enable them to earn a living for themselves and their
children. Such adult education programs must take factors such as flexible
scheduling and childcare into account.
The family structure changes described above have implications for several
policy areas:
- labour standards - to address working conditions for non-standard
employment and encourage the labour force participation of female lone-parents
- human resource policies - to promote personnel and work-place practices
that are family friendly and balanced and to recognize women's paid and unpaid
caregiving work
- social policy - to strengthen the social and economic security needs of
lone-parent families
- education - with high school completion and retention as a starting point
- public education aimed at heightening awareness of the realities of
lone-parenting
- child care - to promote increased availability and affordability
- improved access to educational upgrading and skills training for women in
low-income situations.
The Nova Scotia population is aging:
- The proportion of seniors in the province is increasing rapidly while the
proportion of young people (as mentioned above) is declining. Over the next 25
years, it is estimated that seniors will grow to comprise a quarter of the
population.
- Life expectancy is increasing for both women and men. In 1998, life
expectancy at birth was 80.4 years for females and 77.8 years for males.
- The majority of seniors (58.2%) and the vast majority of older seniors
(71% of persons aged 85 years and over) are women.
- Older women are much likelier to be widowed and to live alone than older
men. 84% of widowed seniors are women. Three times as many women aged 65+ live
alone than men aged 65+.
- Older women have lower incomes than older men. Older men receive more
income from pension plans, most of which are tied to income earned over one's
lifetime. Consequently, older women are more likely to be living in poverty
than older men (15.4% versus 9.5%).
- Many older women have some form of disability. Close to 97% of women aged
85+ have a disability.
- The majority of unpaid caregivers to seniors are women.
The implications of a rapidly aging population are
tremendous and women are disproportionately affected, both as seniors (as women
outlive men), and as unpaid caregivers (as women provide care to aging spouses
and parents more often than men).
The demographic changes described above have implications for several policy
areas:
- healthcare - to deal with the specific health care needs of an aging and
increasingly female population.
- home care/respite care - to support families that are caring for aging
family members.
- housing - to meet the increased need for sheltered/alternative housing
required by seniors
- social needs - peer support/companionship, senior daycare
- income security - to address the ongoing financial needs of low-income
senior women
- human resources planning and policies - to support families combining paid
work and caregiving to aging family members.
Nova Scotia's people take pride in the closeness of their families. For
coming generations, the single most important change will be the shrinking of
family networks. The old will pass away, and with the current pattern of very
small families, there will be many children and young people who don't have
numerous siblings, cousins, aunts, uncles, nephews, and nieces. There will be
changes in the patterns of daily life and sociability, and, from a policy
perspective, a decline in the number of people who automatically provide the
social support and mutual aid that has been a cornerstone of Nova Scotian life.
The implications of such change should become a matter of public awareness,
debate, and policy concern.
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Nova Scotia Advisory Council on the Status of Women
Updated: 2001 - Nov.
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